Why hasn't the Obama administration intervened
militarily in Syria? If you read this site with any regularity, you’ll know the
answer to that. The great irony is that the major factors that make military
intervention in Syria’s civil war impractical, unworkable, and dangerous are so
obvious that the political, military, and intelligence establishment within
Washington is unable to deny what we oddball libertarians constantly harangue about.
Case
in point:
Aaron David Miller’s latest Op-Ed in The Washington
Post. Miller has been a Middle East advisor to six Secretaries of State in both
Republican and Democratic administrations and he is now vice president at one
of DC’s most prominent think-tanks, the Woodrow Wilson International Centre for
Scholars. If ever there was a perspective that broadly reflected Washington,
DC’s establishment, it would come from someone like Miller.
Here’s
his take on Syria:
The idea that Syria was anyone’s to win or lose, or
that the United States could significantly shape the outcome there, is typical
of the arrogant paternalism and flawed analysis that have gotten USA into heaps of trouble in the Middle East over the years.
Miller’s position on Syria isn’t all good; he
entertains the notion that “perhaps [taking] a more active role far earlier in
helping to organize a political opposition, even covertly,” might have helped.
But, he says, from the beginning “all of the military options for intervention
have been heavily skewed toward risk rather than reward.”
To stop the regime’s assault, let alone to topple
it, would have required direct military pressure, most likely a massive air and
missile campaign and probably an intervention force. Those, quite rightly, were
never under serious consideration. Half-measures such as arming the rebels and
instituting a “no-fly” zone carried risks but no identifiable rewards.
It was never clear how a limited military response
would shape events. U.S. planners could not be certain that a military response
wouldn’t have pushed Russia and Iran to up the ante with more weapons. And with
Washington seeking Moscow’s support to keep pressure on Iran’s nuclear program,
a major escalation over Syria wouldn’t have helped.
Miller then rightly asks: “And who, exactly, would
we have been arming?” Ah, the perennial question of the Syria conflict, which
readers have seen scrawled over this site since the start of the Syria
conflict. More explicitly, the point is that the only rebel groups with a
chance against the Assad regime are mostly foreign fighters with ties to
extremist groups and even al-Qaeda. Only psychotics advocate arming them.
“We don’t control history,” Miller writes. “And it’s
time we attend to our own broken house instead of running around the world
trying to repair everyone else’s.”
Blimey! That’s a blatantly non-interventionist
sentiment coming straight from a quarter-century-long Washington establishment
insider. Don’t be fooled, though. Washington truly wants to intervene in Syria
to effect the outcome of the conflict and establish a nice client state there
when the dust settles. The resistance to intervention is not for lack of want,
but for lack of ability.
There is virtually no conceivable scenario where a
US-led intervention in Syria’s mess benefits Syrians or Americans. That’s a
reality not even typical Washington imperialists can deny.
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