The
expression “It’s just witchcraft” is misleading. Witchcraft moves from one
imaginary representation to the other, between Western imagery and African
realities. Religion shows the power of magis, fairies, and enchanters.
However,
it is also a gateway to the shadowy occult world and forces of evil, of which
the sulphurous sorcerer is the intermediary, an archaic figure of charlatanism.
The colonial and the scientific spirit confused the reading of this phenomenon
which becomes more fleeting the more that one tries to define it.
In
Hergé’s unforgettable Tintin in the Congo, Tintin’s poodle Milou strikes down
the enormous lion that had terrorized an African village, further proof of
colonial power. The Babaoro’m people’s sorcerer, depicted wearing a pot on his
head, understands the danger of this imbalanced competition. The reflections of
the all-powerful sorcerer, in French in the text :
“This
little white, he take too much power. Soon, the Blacks no listen to me, their
sorcerer, anymore. Have to get rid of this White.” The duel ends in the
sorcerer’s defeat. Thanks to his skills and – and aspirin that destroys evil
spirits – Tintin takes control of the situation, and ends a tribal war (the
Babaoro’m against the m’Hatouvou), provoking the adoration of the m’Hatouvou :
“You big witch ! You be king of m’Hatouvou !”
Colonial
language invoked a pejorative lexicon to speak of the complexity of ritual
African practices. A world where spiritual concerns, instrumentalized magic and
religious tradition were all grouped together. According to a series of
degrading equations, religion = superstition, cultural objects = magical
amulets or objects, and officiator = sorcerer.
In the
New World, before the cultural reappropriation of the 1930s, the sorcerer (who
also made the dreadful journey in the holds of slave ships) appeared as an evil
being. He was seen as shadowy servant of occult forces, a virtuoso of poisons
and spells, the familiar of bloody sacrifices. Even worse, he was also the
catalyst of revolts and fires that brought terrible consequences. In this case,
good-bye sugar, tobacco, cotton, beautiful homes and easy fortune.
Makandal, “the Mandingo sorcerer”, devised a
plan to poison the colonists of Saint Domingue (1757-1758). Then, Boukman,
another voodoo practitioner, started the 1791 insurrection, whose revolutionary
alchemy would transform Saint Domingue into Haiti. However, the fear of witches
has much older origins.
An age-old story
The
phobia of witches took hold in two powerful currents of thought : the big three
monotheistic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) and the cult of
scientific thought. Moses’ commandments forbid consulting seers on pain of
being considered unclean ; the New Testament condemns frequenting magicians ;
and, Islam rejects all forms of idolatry.
The geopolitical expansion of
Christianity and the expansion of Islam considerably reduced – and sometimes
liquidated- polytheistic religions. The latter favoured a multiplicity of
divinities, provoking an animist proliferation of the sacred, and the growth of
rites and sacrifices.
In
France, Chateaubriand congratulated himself that The Genius of Christianity
swept away all confusion regarding wandering gods of Greco-Roman antiquity and
the undesirable blurring of man/animal by centaurs, sirens and other. The
guardians of polytheistic cults ended up with two different “North/South”
rankings : on one hand, the Greek priestesses, Roman vestals, and Druids ; on
the other side, African sorcerers and their supplies of gris-gris, leopard
skins, amulets, straw skirts and mysterious masks.
The
supernatural which was vanquished in the West lived on in nostalgic and
commercial marvels : the wizard Merlin, the witches of Charmed, and Harry
Potter. In Christian Europe, the Inquisition resulted in terrible, fiery witch
hunts. Colonial expansion went on to bring powerless African “witchcraft” into
contact with militarized capitalism which relyied on both the “civilizing
power” of Christianity and triumphant science.
What use
were a sorcerer’s gris-gris and fetishes against guns and canons ?
It required
an enormous amount of work on the part of anthropologists to normalize, in
scientific terms, the world of sorcery. Applied to the African context, the
term witch remains pejorative and unclear.
African
witchcraft : appellation non-contrôlée
The
uncontrolled usage of the term African witchcraft feeds into a sort of
religious segregation which leads to a spiritual ghetto. This ghettoization
does not enable comprehension of the phenomenon’s complexity in Africa. Most of
the time, the guardians of African religions favour either : divinity cults,
divination, or traditional plant-based medicines. Those that engage in dark
practices are looked down upon, sometimes even hunted or killed in times of
societal crisis.
In Bantu
society, the healer (mganga) is dissociated from the spell-casting sorcerer
(ndoki). The Yoruba distinguish between the babalorisha (agent of the
divinities), the babalawo (soothsayer), the babalosain (healer), and the
babaegun (appointee to mortuary cults). In the southern regions of three
countries in the Gulf of Benin region (Togo, Benin, and Nigeria), the Fa or Ifa
techniques of divination present great sophistication.
In
Madagascar, the officiator and traditional healer, the ombiasy is distinct form
the sorcerer that practices black magic, the mpamosavy. However, great
importance is placed on the divination of the mpanandro, mpisikidy, or
mpamintna. These different fields are not definitively separated. More and
more, the prevailing trend is towards concentration. The majority of time, the
sorcerer chooses to limit himself to beneficent works “travailler des deux
mains” by acceding to both positive and negative requests by clients who are
considered responsible for the consequences of their demands.
Thus,
sorcery as a supernatural force can be offered in a positive form (aswewe) or
negative (azevè). The outside perception of the phenomenon is confused by the
fact that, under the category of sorcery, the religious dimension (explanation
of the workings of the world, ethical cosmogony, sacred acts) as well as
magical practices targeting the capture of spiritual energy to obtain material
rewards, are considered the same.
The Dark Side
In the
1989 film Yaaba (grandmother, in More), Burkinabe filmmaker Idrissa Ouedraogo
tells the story of a solitary old woman who provokes a village’s hostility and
ends up lynched because she is considered a witch. Cases like this are not rare
in contemporary Africa. With Rural exodus and civil wars, elderly women and
child soldiers, considered useless mouths to feed, are often left to fend for
themselves, revealing the limits of solidarity in weakened societies.
These are
not real witches but the scapegoats of collective anxiety.
These
victims, sacrificed in times of crisis, recall the case of the pharmakon in
ancient Greece, people of marginal status (prisoners of war, handicapped
people, foreigners, slaves) who were sacrificed in times of calamity,
epidemics, or famine. In the excellent book Violence and the Sacred, Rene
Girard explains the therapeutic function of these ritualized collective
killings.
In
Africa the idea that occult forces can be used for evil ends often incite
dangerous suspicion in cases of unexpected natural death, repeated sickness or
spectacular success. Faced with the dark and incomprehensible aspects of
punitive sorcery, many African states attempt to regulate the uncontrollable
violence of occult proceedings by implementing legal repression of such acts.
Chad and Cameroon’s legal codes condemn delinquent witchcraft practices.
Due to
its implantation in traditional culture, the complexity rests undiminished
because the sorcerer is able to impose his presence, even if detested, in the
relational fabric and it can be used either as an executioner of punishments or
as an indispensable intermediary in police enquiries as in Sorcellerie à bout
portant by the Congolese author Achille Ngoye.
Unforeseeable metamorphoses
The word
sorcerer conveys many meanings. The uncertain nature, by the harnessing of
psychic uncertainty, enables its use as a method of explanation, interpretation
and influence on opinion. The negative perspective on witchcraft serves as
explanation for one of modern Africa’s biggest calamities, AIDS, especially in
the DRC and southern Africa (South Africa, Botswana, Swaziland). Desocialized
children coming from civil wars are sometimes accused of transmitting it.
The
nganga healers, accepted as such in Bantu Africa, can plan an information
relaying role while those considered bewitched messengers are looked down upon
and sometimes mistreated. The international press showed a particular case at
the fork between power and manipulative sorcery regarding the Gambian
president, Yayah Jammeh (continually re-elected since 1996). With the help of
incantations, Koran and plant-inspired prayers, the President created a
“miracle cure”.
Just as
in days gone by, relations between political power and religion were very
widespread before the separation of powers ; the links between power and
witchcraft have in no way disappeared. Marabouts and feticheurs are hardly
absent from the electoral context. Even invoked during football matches,
sorcery is too rooted in the collective unconscious and the supernatural to
disappear from the mental landscape.
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