How can we ensure that Africa benefits from its
demographic dividend?
Africa has two major leadership problems: firstly,
its leadership is fragmented. And secondly, its leaders are stagnating. We need
a bold new vision that will integrate the continent and engage the new
generation in building its future.
“We are angry, we are restless. We are sick and
tired of mediocrity and corruption. We want to make our future. Can our leaders
make way for us? Can we have a meaningful dialogue without being lectured about
the liberation struggles of the past?”
This was the popular refrain among the over 400
youth leaders who met at the Mo Ibrahim Annual Conference in Dakar, Senegal,
over the last few days – where they discussed the rather charged topic “African
Youth: Fulfilling the Potential”.
Today, half of the population of Africa is under 20.
By 2035 the African labour force will be bigger than China, and by 2050 a
quarter the global workforce will be African. At that time, nearly half the
global youth population will be African.
How do we ensure that Africa benefits
from this demographic dividend? How do we ensure that African youth compete at
a global level through their sheer numbers?
There is a falling confidence that the current
generation is building a brighter future for the next. And this is hardly
surprising.
Today, the average age of the African head of state is 62, which is
three times the average age of the African population.
It is time for my generation to move out of the way.
We should be creating the pathways that connect youth to opportunity. We should
be building an inter-generational dialogue that encourages a bold vision of an
African century we hailed at the beginning of the millennium.
We are constantly reminded by politicians that
Africa is the fastest growing continent in the world. There are two questions
we need to pose to ourselves. What is the baseline? Africa, with a population
of over one billion, has 2.7 percent share of global GDP.
That’s less than
France, with a population of 65 million. The GDP of the Netherlands, with 16
million people, is equivalent to the total GDP of SA, Nigeria and Egypt. The
average per capita in Africa is $300, compared to France at $50,000. It is
these facts and data that should drive our strategy and political debates.
Even in our growth there is a different story of who
is succeeding in Africa.
This is not the story of China and Brazil, where tens
of millions are lifted out of absolute poverty; where in spite of corruption,
public institutions like education and health give people skills, jobs and
livelihoods; where the public infrastructure like roads, highways, electricity,
water, sanitation and housing are expanding.
We have an incestuous web of
interconnected, predatory political and economic elites who have a stranglehold
on our growth potential. And if GDP is indeed growing rapidly, and even GDP per
capita figures are also growing, inequality is also soaring.
The key question is whether a narrow focus on GDP
growth will drive job creation and social inclusion. As I travel across Africa,
I see urbanisation happening at a frightening rate. It is driven by poverty and
the piercing climate crisis that has resulted in prolonged droughts, the
resource wars that devastate communities and undermine social cohesion.
As I
experienced in Kibeira, “the settlement sits like a huge sprawling mushroom of
shacks on the outskirts of Nairobi. No-one knows how many people live there and
not many want to be counted in official statistics, but unofficially many claim
it is more than a million. It is a teeming, bustling place which is now part of
a familiar sight on the African landscape.
I see no signs of public investment
here.”
Africa missed its opportunity in the global
commodity boom of the last decades. We acted as 54 separate countries,
weakening our bargaining power as an economic bloc, and failing to ensure
mutual benefits in terms of beneficiation and the development of our
infrastructure.
Mo Ibrahim, himself a successful telecommunications
entrepreneur and pioneer of mobile telephony in Africa, says: “We do not
understand our strength as the fastest-growing telecommunications market in the
world. We have 500 million users today. Do we have a single telecommunications
equipment supplier on the continent? This would never have happened in China.
They have forced companies to open manufacturing plants there and to transfer
technology and skills to Chinese people.”
We end up as a sheer supplier of raw materials; our
African intellectual resources end up in the developed world, strengthening the
stranglehold global companies have in relation to us; our countries become
markets for manufactured goods and services from developed economies.
And our public debate about the Beijing Consensus
versus the Washington Consensus is false. The reality is that every country and
corporate wanting to do business with Africa has an agenda to serve themselves.
The real failure is our political inability to negotiate as an economic block
and create a viable economic common market for our billion citizens.
So the challenge is one of regional integration. The
intra-country barriers impede the flow of goods, services and people. They
raise the costs of doing business in Africa and fail to create economies of
scale. How quickly we integrate into the global economy and scale up our
connecting infrastructure depends on our political will to break down these
artificial barriers and the vested interests that perpetuate it.
Which brings us to the greatest challenge, that of
governance.
Who benefits from the inefficiencies at our borders; the failure to
connect our roads, railways and electricity grids; who benefits from the murky
world of bureaucratic red tape that hides the corruption and inefficiency of
the system? We have to bring ethics into our conversation. Are leaders entering
the public service to serve the interests of the citizens or their individual
vested and material interests?
As one young leader said, “Give me examples of those
who have led our countries that have not ended [up as] dollar multimillionaires
by the time they have left office. We can count them on the fingers of one
hand. Will they have to account for how they or their family members have
acquired such extraordinary wealth?” I think that is a legitimate demand.
As I listen, I marvel at the power of technology to
democratise information, transform the delivery of services and empower
citizens. Everyone here has a smartphone. It is absolutely clear that the pace
of technology will change how we live, work, educate ourselves and source
services from both public and private sector. But it will – it has already
begun to – change the checks and balances of democracy.
Already the mobile
digital revolution is linking farmers in rural areas to understand the prices
of their produce in urban markets. Africa accounts for 15 of the top 20
countries using mobile banking. In countries like Kenya, Sudan and Gabon, more
than half the population uses mobile banking.
Arabic, especially in North Africa, is the fastest
growing language on Twitter. Ushahidi, a non-profit business in Kenya, is
becoming a global brand that has created a platform that allows geospatial
visualization of our campaigns against human trafficking and other areas of
social risk. Governments will soon realise the futility of secrecy laws and
censorship to hide corruption from the public eye. The media of the future will
be driven by citizens on open-source platforms.
I visited a social change hub in Dakar, Senegal, and
spent a fascinating time with earnest entrepreneurs who had set up a shared
services model. Its founder, Karim Sy, gave up his job after attending a social
entrepreneur conference in South Africa, and today the incubator hosts over a
150 new start-ups, demonstrating youth leadership and excellence. After an
engaging conversation I was convinced that young leaders like Karim needed to
be supported in order to replicate and scale up their service across Africa.
They represent our true destiny.
Things have to change. The older generation wants a
status quo: we call it “stability”, which appeals to too many donors. The youth
want changes now; they call this “prospects”. We need to find a responsible
role for the youth without being too prescriptive.
We need to be breaking down
barriers and co-creating solutions. This is the new political narrative we
should be building with the youth of the future. As Iman Bermaki, an
18-year-old Moroccan who interacted with former President of Nigeria, Obasanjo,
in the opening session, softly says, “Have confidence in young people. We are
serious about our future. But try to listen more carefully to what we say.”
Archbishop Tutu, in his characteristic humour,
encouraged youth leaders to be unstoppable. “We must be optimistic about the
future,” he said. “It belongs to you. Go out and seize it. It’s your destiny.”
The writer was the founding general secretary of the
Congress of South African Trade Unions and a cabinet minister under Nelson
Mandela.
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