One intriguing phenomenon in recent history is our
perverse habit of slapping the label “miracle” or “model” on fast-growing
economies right before they lapse into stagnation or implode. In the 1980s, Japan’s
economic achievement gave rise to the notion of a “Japanese model,” shortly
before its real-estate and stock-market bubbles burst. A few years ago, our
obsession with China’s rise led many to believe that the Chinese had also found
a secret path to enduring economic success.
The idea of a “Chinese model,” loosely defined as a
mix of state capitalism and authoritarian rule, gained popularity, both in
China and the West. In retrospect, it
seems that countries should avoid being labeled “miracle” or “model” at all
costs because such recognition is a sure indicator of imminent economic
catastrophe. Twenty years ago, Japan experienced the humiliation of going from
world economic champ to chump within a few years of its financial meltdown.
Today it seems to be China’s turn.
Recent data from Beijing indeed show a very rough
patch ahead for the world’s second-largest economy. Industrial production,
which roughly accounts for half of China’s GDP growth, rose only 9.3 and 9.6
percent in April and May respectively, far below the average annual rate of
nearly 15 percent for the last decade, and about 25 percent below the pace for
the last 12 months. The growth of electricity consumption, a more reliable
indicator of economic activity, slumped to 3.7 percent in April, half of its
usual rate. The June numbers were hardly better. China’s manufacturing
activity, based on the official Purchasing Managers’ Index, showed the slowest
growth since last November.
Foreign trade, one of the twin engines of Chinese
growth (the other is fixed-asset investment), presented a mixed picture. While
the trade data for April showed virtual stagnation, with exports growing at
only 4 percent and imports grinding to a halt, May must have brought
much-needed relief to Beijing, as exports grew 15 percent, far exceeding
lowered expectations.
The only relatively bright spot in this dismal
landscape is domestic consumption. China’s retail sales grew at an average of
14 percent in April and May. But since household consumption accounts for less
than 40 percent of the GDP, the impact of rising retail sales on growth is
modest at best.
The precipitous slowdown of the Chinese economy,
caused by economic woes in Europe (China’s largest trading partner) and weak
domestic demand attributed to stagnant growth in investment, has led the World
Bank to reduce its forecast for Chinese growth to 8.2 percent for 2012 (China
grew 9.2 percent last year) and forecast 8.6 percent for next year. Credit
Suisse, the investment bank, has cut the Chinese growth rate even further, to
7.7 percent for 2012 and 8.2 percent for next year.
Obviously, struggling developed economies would do
anything to have China’s growth rates. But for a country accustomed to
double-digit growth for three decades, a transition to high single-digit growth
presages not only the potential for political and social turmoil, but also a
difficult period of structural economic change.
To put it differently, if not starkly, the recent
deceleration means the end of the so-called Chinese economic miracle. The era
of rapid economic growth driven by investments and exports is over for China.
To many veteran China watchers, China’s economic
slow-down is all but inevitable. For the past decade, liberal economists,
international financial institutions like the World Bank and the IMF, and
China’s major trading partners have been urging China to change its state-led
development model that has relied excessively on fixed- asset investment and
export for growth, at the expense of household consumption.
They have repeatedly warned that channeling
resources to projects favored by the state would crowd out the private sector
and waste precious capital, while squeezing the income for average households
and reducing their capacity for consumption. In addition, such a strategy was
almost certain to raise trade tensions with the West since rapid growth in
investment, by creating industrial overcapacity, would force Chinese companies
to dump their excess production on the global markets.
Sadly, for many years, such warnings fell on deaf
ears in Beijing. Giddy with the apparent success of the much-touted “Chinese
model” and unwilling to undertake the reforms that would make growth more
balanced and sustainable, Chinese leaders paid mostly lip-service to
rebalancing the Chinese economy.
Macroeconomic indicators for the past decade show
worsening domestic imbalances, with investment rates consistently in excess of
40 percent of GDP since 2004 and household consumption falling to around 35
percent of GDP in the same period, the lowest for a major economy (by
comparison, household consumption accounts for 70 percent of GDP in the U.S.).
In the meantime, China’s external imbalances,
reflected mainly in huge trade surpluses, have grown as well. In 2007 and 2008,
China’s trade surpluses reached an astonishing 8 to 9 percent of GDP. In the
last three years, as Western demand for Chinese goods fell and labor and
material costs rose, China’s trade surpluses have dropped below 2 percent of
GDP.
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